Questions and Rhetoric
Wednesday, August 30th, 2006Donald Rumsfeld’s latest speech, delivered yesterday in Utah, is entitled, Facing the Central Questions of our Time. In it, he serves up a few delicious red herrings. Specifically,
[Numbers were added by me to distinguish questions.] 1. With the growing lethality and availability of weapons, can we truly afford to believe that somehow vicious extremists can be appeased? 2. Can we really continue to think that free countries can negotiate a separate peace with terrorists? 3. Can we truly afford the luxury of pretending that the threats today are simply “law enforcement” problems, rather than fundamentally different threats, requiring fundamentally different approaches? 4. And can we truly afford to return to the destructive view that America — not the enemy — is the real source of the world’s trouble?
In order,
1. Who believes that vicious Extremists — al-Qaeda, in more words — can be appeased, and who is offering to appease them? Most Democrats take the position that we need more soldiers in Afghanistan.
2. What free country is negotiating a peace with terrorists? There is none. None.
3. Can we afford the luxery of simply invading every country that might possibly have something to do with terrorism in some way or another? Listen, I’m all for military use if the cause calls for it, but not everything is law-enforcement and not everything is military. It’s a mixture of those two methods and of espionage with espionage easily being the best tool we have to fight terrorism. God bless the CIA.
4. No, we can’t. I agree. People who blame us for causing the problems in the Middle East are worng, much like those who argue that Iran, for instance, and terrorist groups are only “like they are” because the US has backed them into a corner — that is a flawed idea. Completely and absolutely. But let’s not credit Rumsfeld for insight, as this much should be apparent to all.
In other words, Rumsfeld’s latest speech is the same old same old, filled with questions he considers rhetorical, but that I consider foolish, all things considered, and misleading.
Barney Frank isn’t my first choice for Congressman of the year, but he’s a smart man, and his latest article in the Boston Globe raises valid points, once we get past its partisan gunslinging. (Don’t get me wrong. I do believe that there is a time and place for Partisanship, and that an election year is, for the most part, that time and place. But, I just don’t think it’s appropriate to elaborate on why you dislike the Bush Regime when you’re trying to point out that Afghanistan is still a hellhole, which it is, sadly, and it is being ignored by the Bush Administration. Their aim in ignoring it is twofold: to wash their hands of the War, by and large, and to focus money, manpower and the public on Iraq, because they a) don’t want the people to remember that al-Qaeda is still a threat that hasn’t been squashed in its homeland (but they do want you to remember that al-Qaeda can still attack us at home, go figure with Karl!), and b) they think that Bush’s legacy will be made in Iraq. Politics beyond everything, right Karl?
David Ignatius’ latest column looks at the Brinksmanship being played between Iran and America, and he writes as follows.
The unpredictable factor in this game of brinksmanship is Ahmadinejad. In another defiant move, he laid out a radical vision of an Iranian new world order. The United Nations Security Council is an outdated relic of the post-World War II era and should be abandoned, he said. On the nuclear issue, “no one can stop us.'’ He challenged President Bush to a live debate and seemed certain he would come out the winner. Seeing Ahmadinejad up close, you appreciate that he is a formidable politician. He played the roomful of 150 journalists like a master performer. He has the look of a bantamweight fighter — compact and agile, punching well above his weight. He’s quick on his feet, answering a broad range of questions, including some critical ones about the Iranian economy, but he came away unscratched. He speaks more softly than you expect, making jokes and, on this occasion, avoiding some of his usual anti-Israel bombast. But the hard edge is never far. His eyes can twinkle one moment and then suddenly become dark as night. My strongest feeling at the end of his performance was: He may be cocky and eccentric, but don’t underestimate him.
With a Thursday (Aug. 31) deadline looming on the nuclear issue, you might expect that Tehran would feel like a garrison town. But it’s surprisingly relaxed, and I think that’s because most Iranians expect the crisis will be defused, somehow. The regime has been putting on a show of defiance as the U.N. deadline approaches, shooting off new missiles in Persian Gulf war games, opening a new heavy-water reactor and festooning downtown streets with banners of Lebanon’s Hezbollah leader, Hasan Nasrallah. But this isn’t a militarized country, and it certainly isn’t eager for confrontation with America. “I don’t think anyone can think of a way to resolve problems between the U.S. and Iran other than negotiations,'’ says Ali Ahmadi, a 28-year-old writer at the opposition newspaper Sharq. Though he’s critical of Ahmadinejad, he describes the technical achievements of Iran’s nuclear program as “really satisfying,'’ and he sums up Iran’s dilemma this way: “We are watching how much it’s worth to continue the nuclear program — its price. I can see there is this ambivalence, this concern. Because people realize this choice can bring about certain harsh consequences.'’
Perhaps the most interesting fact of life in Tehran this week is that you can’t find anyone who is opposed in principle to dialogue with the United States. Even a few months ago, that topic was almost taboo, but now here’s Ahmadinejad himself calling for a public debate with Bush. “The golden key to being popular here is to normalize relations with the U.S.,'’ says Shahriar Khateri, a former member of the Revolutionary Guards who’s now a doctor and a participant in a joint project with American scientists to study the effects of chemical weapons. Iranians are patient people, and they seem to expect this crisis will play out awhile longer. They don’t want sanctions, but people I talked to don’t seem very worried about them, either. Iran has been living under some form of sanctions for several decades, and they’ve learned how to make their own cars, steel and pharmaceuticals — and now missiles and nuclear reactors.
I come back to the fierce jockeying of Tehran’s traffic jams. If Ahmadinejad behaves like most local drivers, he will go as far and fast as he can. It’s only when the fender is about to be crushed that he will put on the brake. That’s why this crisis is so dangerous — it’s easy to miscalculate when nobody knows the rules of the road.
I despise Middle Eastern and Asian diplomacy. It’s always about the last minute, and that’s a shame. In this case, however, I don’t think Ahmaniac is looking for the last minute as far as giving in. I don’t think he’s willing to give in on his nuclear program. I mean, I’ve been clear about this before: we’ve got to wait it out, and we can’t rush into a War, but that option looks likely, over time, and Ahmaniac doesn’t seem willing to compromise. I’m sure Bush looks the same to them, but here’s the key difference: he isn’t calling for an extermination of their people nor is he calling them a Satanic power.